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Mental Health and the Uvalde Massacre

close-up photograph of multi-colored brush strokes on canvas

In the wake of the 21 deaths at the school shooting in Uvalde, Texas, the national conversation has once again turned to gun violence. And once again, political figures have saturated the airwaves with an abundance of explanations and solutions. The most prominent, of course, is gun control. However, figures like Texas Governor Greg Abbott and Uvalde Mayor Don McLaughlin have appealed to a different explanation – mental health.

There is reason to doubt Governor Abbott’s sincerity, and he was quickly taken to task for cuts in mental health resources and the deplorable state of the Texas mental health system. Politically, mental health is convenient as it provides a possible solution to problems of gun violence without getting into questions of gun control and gun rights.

However, even if mental health is being deployed as a cynical talking point in this particular context, that doesn’t mean it should not be part of a larger conversation about gun violence.

The causes of events like the Uvalde elementary school shooting are complex, and we can ask how the availability of lethal weaponry intersects with issues of poverty, inequality, racism, gun culture, and yes, mental health, to ultimately lead to violence.

However, folding mental health into the discussion is not without risks. First, it can stigmatize mental illness as something generally connected to violence, and second, it can lead to a very individualistic explanation of gun violence that fails to consider broader social and economic factors.

So, how should we understand the purported link between gun violence and mental health? The Uvalde gunman, Salvador Ramos, did not have a diagnosed mental health condition. Most mass shooters appear not to be classically psychotic – only 8% of mass shooters found to be psychotic in a recent study (although it varies somewhat by study). Although many mass shooters, perhaps unsurprisingly, have a record of being psychologically troubled in some way. The Violence Project, a study of mass shooting not affiliated with criminal activity, found generally high levels of suicidality and paranoia. Studies done by the U.S. Secret Service have found around half of mass shooters experienced mental health symptoms prior to attack.

The problem however is that mental health troubles are very common, and that mass shootings are very rare – even in the United States.

Moreover, while mental illness does have some correlation with violence,

the fact remains that the vast majority of people with diagnosed mental illness are not dangerous and violence may often be better explained by associated factors like unemployment or substance abuse.

Focusing on specific diagnosable mental illnesses then does not seem a productive way to address gun violence. The framing Governor Abbott used suggests that anyone who would commit this kind of violence must, necessarily, have a mental health problem. Philosophers and sociologists refer to the process by which something comes to be treated in a framework of health and disease as medicalization, and that is similar to what is happening here – engaging in a mass shooting is being treated as a sign of a medical problem.

However, whether or not something should be treated as a medical problem can be ethically contentious. First because it can subject people to forms of social control, e.g., involuntary hospitalization, and second because it prioritizes a medical explanation, e.g., Ramos’s actions are thought to betray an undiagnosed mental illness. This purportedly medical explanation can then prevent people from considering others causes, such as the availability of guns or the effect of racist ideology like replacement theory.

Medicalization is always a partly social process, but it is responsive to physical and behavioral features. Treating breast cancer or strep throat within the context of our medical system is an easy decision – they have well-known biological causes and are responsive to medical treatment like chemotherapy or antibiotics. There is, however, no parallel response for the tendency to commit mass shootings. We do not know how to diagnose it (prior to the shooting) or how to treat it. Consequently, even a general mental illness framing for mass shooting largely serves as a way to denigrate the behavior as pathological or abnormal, without providing much guidance about what can be done.

Potentially more promising for addressing gun violence are general welfare approaches to health including mental health. The World Health Organization famously defines health as not merely the absence of disease but “a state of complete mental, physical, and social well-being.“ Admittedly, by having such a broad understanding of health, this perspective tends to turn every problem into a health problem.

But it also helps to connect individual problems to societal problems, and individual well-being to societal well-being, making clear the scope of meaningful mental health solutions to gun violence.

This approach would seek the general social and economic conditions such that mass shootings are rare and could include big-ticket items like inequality.

Generally, mental health becomes less of a topic as one leaves the domain of mass shootings and enters the broader world of gun violence. However, there is one more obvious overlap – suicidality. Guns are an incredibly effective means of suicide and they make suicide attempts extremely fatal. As many people who attempt suicide do not then go on to attempt suicide again, the means matter. National attention to mental health could then be a key way to head off the suicide risk caused by high levels of gun ownership.

Governor Abbott’s remarks may be suspect, but the inclusion of mental health in our national conversation about gun control and gun violence is not.

Law Enforcement, Role-Based Duties, and Bodily Autonomy

photograph of police officer in gear

On May 24th 2022, 21 people from Uvalde, Texas, lost their lives in an elementary school mass shooting. As people across the country experienced vicarious horror hearing the stories of the children who witnessed the atrocity, discrepancies and changes in the police report started to grab the attention of the general public. In all, the Uvalde police department made a total of 12 report updates and amendments, finally settling on one attention-grabbing fact: of all 19 armed officers and guards who were present at the active crime scene when the shooting began, none of them entered the room where the gunman had barricaded himself with a class full of students. This continued for 78 minutes, until the classroom was finally breached and the shooter killed.

Much of the public conversation surrounding the response of the Uvalde Police Department has focused on the motivations behind the officers’ reluctance to enter the classroom. Namely, on their own admission, they were concerned they would get shot. This is clearly not an irrational fear: they would have to enter the classroom not knowing the position or state of the gunman. Like anyone confronting another with a gun, they would be in danger. But most people’s views of the situation seemed unmoved by these facts.

The overwhelming public consensus was that this danger was precisely part of the role of police officers. By failing to take on this risk, the officers were neglecting a crucial aspect of their duties.

The question of the extent of self-endangerment obligations is one that has arisen in other cases of controversial uses of deadly force among law enforcement officers: for example, Darren Wilson’s killing of Michael Brown and Philip Brailsford’s killing of Daniel Shaver, among many other cases. In many cases where the self-defense plea was used to argue the officer’s case, the plea was successful: officers could kill to preserve their own life, if they legitimately feared for it. Leaving aside the crucial question of how racism and subconscious bias factored into the officers’ perception of threat, we are left wondering: if the officers did feel threatened, isn’t their primary duty still to the public, even when that public currently seems threatening? More simply: under what circumstances are law enforcement officers required to risk their lives for the sake of helping others?

In the wake of the Uvalde shooting, a 2005 Supreme Court decision began making the rounds on social media for its surprising answer to the above question.

Namely, the Court ruled that law enforcement officers had no constitutional duty to protect a person from harm. They would violate no constitutional duty to refrain from assisting someone who needed, or even requested, their assistance.

Of course, this does not mean that there is no sense in which officers must risk their lives for the public. Officers are supposed to respond to orders to serve — orders which come from their captain or chief of police. In the case of Uvalde, the chief of police had not told the responding officers to move in on the shooter. But what if he had? Can someone’s job ever obligate them to risk their life for the sake of another?

In a strictly moral sense of “obligation,” the answer seems to be, very plausibly, yes! Many philosophers accept a category of moral obligations that are attached to specific relational or social roles. For example, one may think that someone ordinarily has no moral obligation to donate a kidney to someone in need of one. But they may also believe that this obligation does kick in if the person in need of the kidney is the donor’s child. The changing variable in this case is the relationship that the donor stands in to the recipient: they have special obligations to the recipient based on their social or familial role.

The idea of role-based obligations goes back at least as far as the ancient Chinese philosopher Confucius. The Analects, a collection of his teachings, describes the following exchange:

Duke Jing of Qi asked Confucius about government. Confucius replied: “Let the ruler be a ruler, minister be a minister, father be a father, son be a son.” The Duke said, “Excellent! Indeed, if the ruler is not a ruler, the ministers not ministers, fathers not fathers and sons not sons, even if I have food, how can I eat it?”

Here, Confucius points to the importance of role-based obligations for maintaining social cohesion. It is clear that, if parents universally and routinely ignored their special role-based obligations to their children, there would be a huge humanitarian crisis to contend with. It is clear that, if law enforcement officers or other kinds of civil servants ignored all role-based obligations to protect those they serve, the social order would lack a class of protective services that, under ideal conditions, seem crucial to the well-being of a nation.

The legal question of such obligations, however, is more complicated. In the majority of U.S. states, commercial surrogacy (contracting paid gestational labor from another) is illegal. In these states, such contracts are prohibited because they are deemed unenforceable: a citizen cannot sign away their rights to bodily autonomy, even of their own volition. Therefore, most terms of the contract would be unenforceable, as a surrogate would maintain the right to, say, obtain an abortion as allowed under the particular state’s abortion laws. Would a labor contract that required law enforcement officers to risk their lives on command be less of a voluntary relinquishing of bodily autonomy than a surrogacy contract?

On the other hand, there is an obvious and prominent counterexample to the idea that no contract can oblige someone to surrender some bodily autonomy: military service.

When someone signs up for military service, they relinquish their right (while on duty) to choose their own clothing, haircut, and innumerable other aspects of their day-to-day life.

Of course, they also obviously contract themselves into a potentially highly-dangerous job. A military, to function, must assume that personnel are obligated to follow orders into battle, even if those orders put their lives at serious risk. At various times in history, we have even drafted people into the army, forcing them to take up arms in defense of the nation, or else face jail time. While many are critical of a draft, few question the right to voluntarily sign away significant portions of bodily autonomy in order to (as a free choice) join the military.

At the crux of this issue lies a seeming-conflict between two incompatible propositions: 1) in order for a nation to flourish, there must be a way of holding law enforcement, and other civil servants, to their role-obligations to risk their own well-being for the sake of the public; 2)the right to bodily autonomy is inalienable, and the voluntary relinquishing of autonomy cannot be legally enforced. Finding a way to reconcile the two — or to carve a middle ground between them — may be helpful for determining future matters of contract policy and responsibility.

The Danger of Endorsing Political Conspiracies

Photograph of two tabloid magazines with headlines about Hilary Clinton, dated "election eve," 2016

Barack Obama isn’t an American citizen. Hillary Clinton sold weapons to ISIS. Democrats orchestrated the Sandy Hook shooting to promote gun control. Conspiracies have plagued political discourse for centuries, and have grown especially more prevalent and harsh in recent years. There are multiple reasons behind this current uptick in conspiracies, the most obvious being the increased accessibility to the Internet and social media. However, even more unsettling is the very real damage that has been caused by belief in conspiracies in recent years. Continue reading “The Danger of Endorsing Political Conspiracies”

In Washington, D.C., A March Against Fear

Collage of three people from the March

Reporting by Eleanor Price, Photos by Conner Gordon

On February 14, 2018, a gunman walked into Marjory Stoneman Douglas High School in Parkland, Florida, and shot 17 of his former classmates to death. Six weeks later, the survivors of the shooting led over 200,000 people through the streets of Washington, D.C., to call for gun safety measures at the March For Our Lives. At the time, Congress was in recess; many of the country’s leaders were either back in their districts or overseas, far from the streets where their constituents were demanding change.

Many of the march’s attendees were students themselves, outraged at how routine shootings have become in their schools and neighborhoods. Others had felt the impact of gun violence from afar — a mass shooting on the news, an ever-present worry that they or their families could someday be a target. The people we spoke to gave voice to these fears. But each attendee also made one thing clear: though their leaders may be absent, inaction is no longer acceptable.

Continue reading “In Washington, D.C., A March Against Fear”

Politics and Respect in the Wake of Mass Shootings

An aerial photo of the Las Vegas strip, where the 2017 shooting occured.

On October 1, a gunman opened fire on a country music festival in downtown Las Vegas. Almost immediately following news of the shooting, prominent politicians such as Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders tweeted pleas for stronger gun control. These tweets drew harsh criticism regarding the politicization of mass shootings. Such criticism appears in the wake of mass shootings, as people assess when it is too soon to start discussing gun control, and what can be done in the future to prevent such tragedies. Continue reading “Politics and Respect in the Wake of Mass Shootings”

Social Media Vigils and Mass Shootings

In the wake of the largest mass shooting in the United States to date, Facebook and other social media sites have been flooded with posts honoring the victims in Orlando. Many such posts include the faces of the victims, rainbow banners and “share if you’re praying for Orlando” posts. Although there is nothing particularly harmful about sharing encouraging thoughts through social media, opinions are surfacing that it might do more harm than good.

Continue reading “Social Media Vigils and Mass Shootings”