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The Problem of the Ethical Ethicist

I am lucky enough to have a job as an ethicist, which, statistically speaking, is unlikely. Most of the people with whom I completed my undergraduate degree in philosophy do not work in the field. They have what might be called normal jobs: working with spreadsheets, tending bar, or selling something to someone. While I am sure they still occasionally think about philosophy, and perhaps even about ethics, they are not immersed in it in the same way that I am. I am paid to do philosophy. Whether that is a good thing, or whether I have simply turned something I care deeply about into nothing more than a job, remains to be seen.

Still, I do feel fortunate to spend my days thinking about right and wrong. With that fortune, however, comes what I take to be a certain self-imposed expectation. If I make my living evaluating the reasons and frameworks according to which we pass value judgments on the world and on those around us, then surely I ought to be a good person myself. If I am not, then on what grounds is it fair or even appropriate for me to judge others, whether directly or indirectly through their actions?

An analogy might help here. Imagine you go to the doctor because you have a cough that simply will not go away. Your usual doctor is unavailable, so you see someone new. This doctor, however, is conspicuously unhealthy. Most notably, they are smoking while they examine you. After finishing the exam, they tell you that you need to take better care of your lungs; perhaps take up running, and for God’s sake, quit smoking. You would likely find this advice a little rich, perhaps even hypocritical, coming from someone who is, at that very moment, hacking on a dart.

To me, something similar applies to people who work in ethics. You cannot reasonably claim to be an ethicist if you do not, even at a very basic level, attempt to act ethically in your own life. If you are a bad person, where does your justification come from to judge others? It seems almost self-evident that if you make your living examining right and wrong, then you yourself would be a good person, or at least better than average. After all, if that is not the case, then what chance does the rest of the population have, those who do not spend their time thinking about morality for a living?

And yet, despite how intuitive this view may be, it simply is not true. Ethicists are no more moral than non-ethicists. In their 2016 meta-analysis, Eric Schwitzgebel & Joshua Rust found that “ethicists in the United States appear to behave no morally better overall than do non-ethicist professors.” While this study was limited to the United States, it seems reasonable — unless one believes there is something uniquely morally corrosive about that country — to assume that similar trends would be found elsewhere. In short, studying morality full-time does not necessarily make one a more moral person.

Still, I suspect many of the people included in that study would resist this conclusion. My intuition is that most of us see ourselves not as bad people, but at the very least as morally acceptable. We see ourselves as good. This is backed up by research by Ben M. Tappin and Ryan T. McKay, who found that “most people believe they are just, virtuous, and moral.” I am no exception. I think I’m a good person, or at least, I think I try to be.

This tension came into focus for me recently, in both a personal and professional capacity. I was scheduled to present at the 2026 Law and Society conference, which this year is being held in San Francisco. I have long wanted to visit the city, and I saw the trip as an opportunity to fulfill both professional obligations and personal aspirations. In early January, I began making plans, aware that the socio-political climate in the United States was less than ideal but believing I could set those concerns aside. After all, nothing too terrible had yet happened.

Then came January 7th and the shooting of Renee Good. I will not rehearse the details here; by now, most of us are familiar with what occurred, and you have likely seen the footage. In the aftermath, I found myself asking whether I could justify entering the United States given what was unfolding in Minneapolis and, presumably, in other parts of the country. I was undecided — until I received a personal message from a friend who told me they had been accosted by men claiming to be ICE agents. According to their account, which I have no reason to doubt, they were nearly disappeared off the street, prevented only by the presence of enough bystanders to make the public pressure unbearable for the self-identified “agents.”

That was the moment that tipped me over. I immediately contacted the conference organizers and informed them that I would no longer be presenting, citing the deteriorating conditions within the country. Then came more news of similar incidents; the most recent being the shooting of Alex Pretti.

Now, would I have been at personal risk had I gone? Almost certainly not. The conference was in San Francisco, a sanctuary city in a sanctuary state. Moreover, and not to be indelicate, I am white. Unless I open my mouth and expose my accent, those who profile based on skin color would be unlikely to identify me as a target. It’s safe to say that personal safety was not the motivating factor. I have little doubt I would have been physically fine.

Rather, the issue was ethical. I could not justify going to the United States at this moment in time as an ethically acceptable thing to do. It would have been wrong. And if that is so, then as an ethicist, I take myself to be more obligated than most to avoid the wrong and to do the good — even when doing so comes at a personal or professional cost.

While I was considering whether to withdraw from the conference, my mind went to an unlikely place: Peter Singer’s Animal Liberation Now. On the back of my edition is a short list of endorsements, one of which comes from Richard Dawkins: “Peter Singer may be the most moral person on the planet.” I do not know what to make of that claim. Both Singer and Dawkins have attracted their share of controversy, and Dawkins’ assessment strikes me as, at best, hyperbolic. Still, the sentiment lodged itself with me. The idea that someone might look at a professional philosopher — someone paid to think about right and wrong — and conclude that they actually do the right thing was unexpectedly moving.

It forced me to reflect on my own behavior, and on what it would mean to deserve that kind of judgment.

Ultimately, I think what I am circling here is the idea that teaching and researching ethics are, on their own, insufficient. Is it valuable? Perhaps. I might even have motivated a student to do the right thing at some point. But the harder question is whether I do the right thing when the opportunity presents itself, or whether ethics is merely the means by which I make a living.

I hope it is not the latter. I hope my decision not to present at the conference was the right one. I am unsure whether anyone will follow my lead, or whether that matters. But at least in this instance, that quiet moral confidence Tappin and McKay attribute to the population at large feels — just possibly — earned.

Opposition vs. Prohibition: Should Iceland Ban Circumcision?

a Rembrandt drawing of a ritual circumcision

This article has a set of discussion questions tailored for classroom use. Click here to download them. To see a full list of articles with discussion questions and other resources, visit our “Educational Resources” page.


Iceland will soon vote on a bill that would criminalize infant circumcision. While the medical community is supportive, some Icelanders are concerned. It’s not so much the typical Icelandic parent who wants to retain the right to make this decision, but Jewish and Muslim leaders are concerned that a ban would intrude on core religious practices. Circumcising newborn boys is a religious commandment for both religions.

It’s a little surprising that the Icelandic physicians are united against circumcision. In 2012 the large and influential American Academy of Pediatrics issued a policy statement stating that circumcision has somewhat more health benefits than harms. There’s the pain of the procedure and the small risk of serious adverse effects, but on the other side of the ledger, a salutary effect on rates of penile cancer, urinary tract infections, and HIV infection. The AAP didn’t conclude that parents should circumcise, but on the other hand, how could it make sense for ethicists and doctors to say the opposite: that they shouldn’t, assuming that the AAP is right and circumcision is a little more beneficial than harmful?

The thought of some critics of the practice is that even if circumcision is more good for boys than bad, it takes more than a small balance of benefits over costs to justify removing a body part. Circumcising a boy isn’t like drawing a little blood or removing an infected appendix. The part in question is perfectly healthy and normal and will later be experienced by a boy as a part of his personal body surface. If he gets to keep it, he will most likely later think his foreskin is his to keep or to remove. Thus, there is a “body integrity” case to be made that parents shouldn’t circumcise their babies, even if the AAP’s cost-benefit analysis is correct.

And so, the Icelandic physicians are right to support a ban? Not so fast! A ban would stop a moral wrong, I am prepared to say (I make the “body integrity” argument in my book The Philosophical Parent), but it would impinge on two important things—a person’s autonomy as a parent and their autonomy when it comes to matters of religion or conscience. Now, parental and religious autonomy aren’t absolute; they don’t trump everything. Uncontroversially, the state doesn’t allow parents to be abusive and doesn’t allow every conceivable religious practice, whatever the associated harms (to self, others, animals, the environment, etc.). But circumcision, however suspect, does seem like the wrong kind of thing for the state to forbid.

The problem with state involvement is the subtlety of the argument against circumcision. It does seem to me that it takes more than a small balance of benefits over costs to justify the removal of a normal, healthy body part destined to be experienced by boys and men as “mine.” But I can’t go further and claim it must seem the same way to any reasonable person, as I can with other harms. If the Church of the Missing Toe wants to chop off the small toe of newborn boys, it will be all to the good and perfectly appropriate if the state forbids it. I think ritual toe amputation is wrong and expect anyone else to see it in the same way. But it’s far more subtle and negotiable whether a procedure can be both slightly beneficial, on balance—as circumcision is, according to the AAP—and also morally wrong. It seems misguided for the state to force everyone to behave in accordance with just one of the multiple positions on circumcision that are open to reasonable, well-informed people.

While I do think there are respect-worthy ways of defending circumcision, it’s difficult to see how the religious defense can be among them. The religious defense has nothing to do with costs and benefits. It has to do with ancient scriptures and the notion that a religion should be “marked in the flesh” (Genesis 17). It’s also about parents demonstrating commitment to a religion by doing something difficult. (The medieval Jewish philosopher Maimonides said the point of circumcision was precisely that it is a “hard, hard thing” for a parent to impose on a child, and so a good test of the parent’s religious commitment.) As much as these ideas seem venerable and familiar just because of their long history, how can they be any more respectable than the doings of the Church of the Missing Toe?

So, should Iceland ban religious circumcisions and protect non-religious circumcisions—of which there are very few? It would be an odd and unusual law that prohibits doing something for one reason but allows it for another. After all, the better reason is “available,” whether it’s motivating the agent or not. And so I conclude: no to the ban. Considering that there are not-obviously-wrong medical reasons for foreskin removal, parents should be able to choose it.

But then there’s the how and the when. There may be reasons to circumcise worthy of respect—that’s at least how some reasonable people see it. But surely there are no reasons to circumcise painfully that are worthy of respect. Muslim parents typically have their boys circumcised in hospitals or doctor’s offices, just like non-religious parents. This is not uncommon among Jews as well. In a medical setting, lidocaine injections are available and commonly used (at least in the US).

But among Jews, the more observant have the procedure performed by a “mohel” in a religious ceremony (a “bris”) in the home. These are highly skilled practitioners who work very quickly using traditional tools and techniques but can also offer all the pain relief that’s available in a doctor’s office—lidocaine ointment or even injections. Orthodox mohels, though, reject intrusions on traditional practice. There is no pain relief during the procedure. A religious practice or not, withholding pain relief during a surgical procedure is impossible to defend. The right way forward seems to me to be regulating the way circumcision is performed, not prohibiting it altogether.