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Individual Rights, Collective Interests, and Vaccine Mandates

Despite popular support, Biden’s recent policy – requiring vaccinations for all government employees and mandatory testing for businesses with more than 100 employees – is attracting the attention of a small but vocal minority. These voices question the very notion of public health and challenge the basis for the state to supersede individuals’ fundamental claim to bodily autonomy. Given these objections, how are we to justify the policy to those who remain opposed? How are we to adjudicate between the claims of individual liberty and the demands of collective interest?

Are vaccine mandates legal? The relevant precedent concerns a 7-2 Supreme Court ruling in Jacobson v Massachusetts which determined that the local government could enforce mandatory vaccinations to fight a smallpox outbreak. In the decision, Justice Harlan argued that

in every well ordered society charged with the duty of conserving the safety of its members, the rights of the individual in respect of his liberty may at times, under the pressure of great dangers, be subjected to such restraint, to be enforced by reasonable regulations, as the safety of the general public may demand.

In fact, tyranny could just as easily come from government failing to take action and allowing individual freedom to trump collective interests. “Real liberty for all,” Harlan wrote, “could not exist under the operation of a principle which recognizes the right of each individual person to use his own [liberty], whether in respect of his person or his property, regardless of the injury that may be done to others.” In a state of nature where everyone is free to pursue his or her own interest to the furthest extent, there can be no security, no rights, and no peace.

But even if such measures have legal history on their side, can these current vaccination mandates be morally justified? As with all things these days, it depends on who you ask. Red state governors have been quick to seize on these policies as obvious government overreach. Big brother is determined to interfere with average Americans’ daily lives and tell them what they can and can’t do with their bodies. These critics claim that the directives go far beyond what is reasonably required for ensuring public safety. These invasive measures are part of a crude, ham-fisted, one-size-fits-all approach to a fairly isolated problem. Big government is making a foot-long incision to get at the issue when a couple of tiny, strategic punctures might do.

So what makes these emergency orders “unreasonable”? Despite over 725,000 deaths from COVID-19 in the U.S. alone, we’re still squabbling over whether workers are in “grave danger.” Folks like Governor Ron DeSantis claim that the choice of whether to get vaccinated “is about your health and whether you want that protection or not. It really doesn’t impact me or anyone else.” And these sentiments resonate with a not insignificant swath of the population that bristle at being told what to do and who pride themselves on being “more worried about herd instinct than herd immunity.” The trouble, as they see it, is that all the bleeding hearts fail to recognize the basic fact that “life is always a risk.” 38,000 Americans die every year in car crashes, but no one is lining up in favor of a ban on driving. “We live with these risks,” these voices contend, “not because we’re indifferent to suffering but because we understand that the costs of zero drowning or zero electrocution would be far too great. The same is true of zero Covid.” In the end, the right balance between personal liberty and public safety is always to be found in letting the people decide for themselves.

But part of our disagreement stems from misunderstanding the science. Contrary to DeSantis’s claims, vaccination is not a private choice without practical consequences for anyone else. The vaccine does not make one invulnerable to infection and having a large unvaccinated population creates a breeding ground for variants. That’s why the unvaccinated represent the greatest threat to pandemic recovery. Leaving it up to individuals won’t do; we can’t simply agree to go our own ways.

As others have noted, the current conversation resembles the standoff over smoking bans in the not-so-distant past. We’re arguing over the answer to a large and complicated question: at what point does one’s private choices about their health encroach on the rights of others to be free from having risks imposed on them by their neighbors’ behavior?

Given the deep disagreement about the predicament we’re in, finding a trustworthy authority has become paramount. One body which might seem especially well-positioned to rule on the matter is the ACLU – the American Civil Liberties Union which is devoted to protecting people’s basics rights enshrined in the Constitution.

Instead of undermining individuals’ civil liberties, ACLU officials David Cole and Daniel Mach argue that vaccination mandates “actually further civil liberties. They protect the most vulnerable among us, including people with disabilities and fragile immune systems, children too young to be vaccinated and communities of color hit hard by the disease.” Echoing Harlan’s sentiments, the ACLU reminds us that liberties and duties are two sides of the same coin; a right’s very existence imposes corresponding obligations. Making a space for others to exercise their basic freedoms means recognizing the limits of one’s individual liberty: the freedom to swing my fist ends where your nose begins. While much attention has been paid to the coercive leverage in demanding vaccination as a condition of continued employment, we fail to appreciate the situation of those who must daily weigh the risk of exposing their immunocompromised family members against the necessity of putting a roof over their heads. While the number of folks faced with this second scenario may be smaller, surely we can appreciate that the injustice in these two situations is not equivalent.

We have a tendency to speak of rights as guaranteeing individuals’ absolute freedom of choice in pursuing whatever might make them happy — rights without obligations and without bounds. We speak in reverence of individual autonomy as the fundamental basis for human dignity. When I am impeded from doing what I want to do, or (worse) made to do something which I would otherwise not, I have been disrespected and harmed. We equate being free with being unconstrained.

But this kind of autonomy fits poorly within our philosophical traditions. Hobbes encouraged us to lay down our sword in order to enjoy the benefits of neighbors who are more than obstacles to our private interests. Kant argued that only by acting from duty can one be truly free. Showing sufficient respect for others means more than simply making space for their unimpeded desiring, willing, and choosing. No one can claim absolute license to pursue their private ambitions, come what may.

Where does this leave us? We find ourselves once again at the intersection of a number of related issues. We’re bad at conceptualizing disease; we’re addicted to the anecdotal, allergic to authority, and eternally unsure of who to trust. Matthew Silk has investigated the media’s troubles in relaying vaccination information; Martina Orlandi and Ted Bitner have explored our failure to change people’s hearts and minds; Marshall Bierson has pointed out how conflicting federal, state, and local legislation is complicating the picture; and Daniel Burkett has explained why we’re upset by others’ free-riding.

So, how should we respond? Megan Fritts recently raised the question of whether doctors are justified in refusing to admit unvaccinated patients to their overbooked and especially vulnerable waiting rooms. Much like we might penalize alcoholics on a donor list for liver transplants, there is at least one line of thought that suggests that those choosing to expose themselves to greater risk should be asked to bear the cost of that choice rather than forcing others to live with the consequences of that decision. Given the scarcity of medical resources and need for emergency assistance, some form of triage is inevitable. And the mantra of personal responsibility has always proven an efficient tool for separating the “undeserving” from the rest of us.

But this solution is too neat; it neglects to investigate who exactly the unvaccinated are. Over the weekend, The New York Times attempted to put a face to this broad label. The obstinate “Don’t Tread on Me!” die-hard doesn’t always track reality. From young mothers to the various outcasts of the healthcare system, there are at least some not-so-unreasonable anxieties expressed by the “vaccine-willing.” And there are, no doubt, a number of the unvaccinated who deserve our compassion and should inspire us to show a modicum of humility. Unfortunately, those folks with a legitimate medical complication or sincerely-held religious conviction constitute a collective that is not anything as large as it purports to be. You know who you are.

A Challenge to Federalism: Mask Mandates and Subsidiarity

photograph of Florida road map

In this post I want to investigate a puzzle about federalism, and in particular a puzzle for those committed to subsidiarity.

Federalism is a political system in which power is divided between more and less local governments. The United States has a federal system, decisions are made by local governments, state governments, and the federal government. Not only are decisions made by these various bodies, but different bodies are empowered to make different decisions.

Sometimes you will hear people claim they want a greater degree of federalism, and what that usually means is that they want more decisions to be made by individual states, and fewer decisions to be made by the federal government. Thus, the conservative lawyer and journalist David French published a book last year arguing that an increase in federalism is necessary to handle political polarization. French thinks that, given that California is far more liberal than Tennessee, it makes more sense to have California and Tennessee each develop their own healthcare systems, rather than have one federal healthcare system.

Now, the puzzle I want to investigate can be asked in those general terms, but the puzzle will be clearer if we look at a more specific form of federalism.

Subsidiarity is an approach to political philosophy which says that decisions should be made by the most local body capable of making the decision. Everyone in my household can decide what book to read on a Saturday afternoon, so it should be up to each person what to read. I should not decide what my wife should read, nor should she decide what I read. If we want to take a family vacation, however, then we can’t just each decide where we want to go. If we each decide, then she might go to the mountains while I go to the beach, with the result that we don’t take a family vacation at all. Where to vacation, then, must be made at the family level. We, as a family, cannot set up a sewer system, and so the county should be in charge of deciding how to distribute water and electricity. Our county cannot administrate an intrastate road system, and so intrastate roads should be handled by the state. The state of Florida cannot coordinate for national defense, and so national defense should be handled by the federal government.

Why might one support a principle of subsidiarity? Well there are lots of reasons. First, you might think that more local control allows decision makers to be more responsive to local conditions and preferences. Thus, many oppose federal minimum wage legislation on the grounds that it is better to allow individual states to decide the minimum wage that is best for them. Most people will agree that the minimum wage in Switzerland should be different from the minimum wage in Bangladesh, but if different economic conditions across countries mean we want a different minimum wage, why would the same not be true between individual U.S. states?

Second, you might support subsidiarity on the grounds that it provides laboratories of experimentation. If each state tries their own healthcare system, then we are more likely to discover which system actually works best.

Third, and I think most plausibly, you might support subsidiarity on grounds of democracy and freedom. The more local an election, the more influence an individual can exercise. If I have more say over local decision-making, then it seems more democratically legitimate for a local body to make decisions on how I can live. Not only that, but because the United States is heterogeneous, with people often clumped with others of similar political persuasion, the more we devolve decisions to local control, the more people will be governed by the sort of policies they would choose themselves. If most people in California want state-funded healthcare while most people in Arkansas do not, then a federalist system where each state can adopt their own healthcare system helps ensure that most people are governed by the system that reflects their particular political preferences.

So what is the puzzle? The puzzle is raised by policies where a less local government bans a more local government from restricting even more local decision-making. The example that started me thinking about this came from my home state of Florida. Governor DeSantis recently signed a bill to end all local COVID-19 restrictions and emergency orders. In doing so, Florida has joined other Republicancontrolled states in passing laws that prohibit local authorities from instituting more restrictive COVID precautions.

As someone who generally supports subsidiarity, how should I think about these policies?

We could make a federalist or subsidiarity argument both for and against these state policies. The argument against these policies is easy: subsidiarity says that we should generally defer to more local decision-making. A state coming in and saying that a local town cannot have their own mask mandates overrides that local control. Counties and cities should be free to make their own decisions, as such, it is inappropriate for the state to ban cities from passing mask mandates.

However, you could also make an argument for the other side. You might say that it should be up to individuals whether or not they wear a mask. Individuals and families should be free to make their own decisions. As such, it is inappropriate for local authorities to maintain mask mandates at this point in the pandemic, and as such it is right for the state to step in in order to protect individuals from the overreach of local governments.

To help understand the conflict, imagine we iterated this puzzle at a higher level. Just as Florida passed a law banning cities from requiring masks, suppose the U.S. Federal Government passed a law banning states from prohibiting mask mandates. You could say this is bad for federalist reasons, the federal government should leave it up to the states. But you could also say this is good for federalist reasons, this ensures that states don’t overstep and violate the freedoms of local authorities.

This puzzle of subsidiarity is actually just a particular example of a puzzle that crops up in lots of places. Consider, for instance, this puzzle raised by Marcia Baron:

“An administrator once told me about the following dispute. A speaker had been invited to campus. The point of his lecture would be to oppose free speech. Some of the faculty objected strenuously to having him to campus and favored ‘uninviting’ him. Free speech is a great value, and they did not want to see it undermined by this or any other speaker. Others defended the plan to bring him to campus – and they did so in the name of free speech.

How could both parties appeal to free speech – and only free speech — in defense of their respective views? Those who opposed the speaker’s visit saw free speech as a goal, a goal which would not be advanced and might well be hindered by a speaker who spoke against it. Those who supported the speaker’s visit saw free speech as a matter of principle, imposing a side-constraint on our conduct. In the view of the former, what is desired is that free speech flourish, and to that end it might occasionally be necessary to squelch (what would otherwise be) free speech. In the view of the latter (those who supported the speaker’s visit), free speech is a value not in the sense of a goal to be promoted, but a value never to be violated. It would be a violation of free speech to prevent a speaker from speaking on the ground that his or her views were considered noxious, outrageous, or dangerous. That allowing the speaker to speak might undermine the cause of free speech by winning over some impressionable college students to the speaker’s side is irrelevant, in the supporters’ view. Those who opposed the speaker’s campus visit viewed free speech as a goal to be promoted or advanced. Those who opposed the attempt to uninvite the speaker saw free speech as a matter of principle: as constituting a side-constraint on our conduct. Side-constraints work this way: they tell us that no matter how worthwhile the goal, there are things which we may not do even if they are crucial for that goal.”

This is, I think, the same sort of puzzle. Can we restrict speech to maintain more freedom of speech? Can states force decisions on local governments, to stop them forcing decisions on others? And if Marcia Baron is right, the question we need to answer is does subsidiarity work like a side-constraint, or like a goal to be promoted? If it is a goal to be promoted, then these state policies might make sense. If it is instead supposed to act as a side-constraint these policies are problematic. How does one decide?

I don’t think there is any easy answer. Even if you look at one particular reason for accepting subsidiarity it can be tough to decide. Suppose you think that more local bodies are better able to make decisions for themselves. One the one hand, that might support allowing local governments to decide what is best for their specific conditions. But on the other hand, that might support letting each person decide for themselves whether or not they want to continue masking. And there is something to both these thoughts. Ideally, those who are vaccinated can mostly go without masks and those unvaccinated should continue wearing masks. So, ideally, people could make the best decision for themselves.

But then again, sometimes people make bad decisions and impose risks on others, and you might think that local authorities are in the best position to know how high the general risk is in a given local community.

In this particular context I’m inclined to think that local authorities should be empowered to make emergency decisions. I think the principle of subsidiarity means that states should not dictate what local governments can do.

But on the other hand, sometimes I support overarching restrictions. For instance, the Constitution is federal law that prevents states from imposing a religion on their citizens. I think the choice of religion should be up to individuals, and as such it is appropriate for the Supreme Court to impose on states a prohibition on compelling religious practice.

The puzzle persists, then, and there are no easy answers.

Modern Monetary Theory, Taxation, and Democracy

close-up photograph of bank seal on banknote

The coronavirus pandemic has resulted in massive increases in government spending. Many governments around the world are scrambling to cover lost wages, provide benefits to those who are hit hardest by COVID, and to stimulate economic growth to ensure an economic recovery once the pandemic ends. Yet, with deficits of several nations hitting levels not seen since the Second World War and with more deficit spending still expected there are long term concerns about how all of this spending will be paid for. Because of this, several economists are now suggesting that this may be the time to seriously consider taking an approach consistent with modern monetary theory (MMT). However, MMT carries with it broad and far-ranging ethical consequences.

This year the U.S. federal government’s deficit is set to be a fourfold increase over last year (3.8 trillion dollars). The Canadian federal government’s deficit is likely to be over eighteen times larger than it was last year (343 billion dollars). Many other governments are also spending modern record deficits. One approach to dealing with this crisis is to essentially repeat the response to the 2008 recession; stimulate the economy and then commit to austerity by cutting spending and/or raising taxes. Another approach would be to adopt policies that are in keeping with MMT which would allow for increases in the supply of money to stimulate the economy instead of relying on taking on larger government debt.

Modern monetary theory is less a normative theory than it is descriptive. It requires a bit of a paradigm shift in thinking. Obviously, MMT and its relationship to modern economies is complicated, so I will focus on a few relevant points to addressing certain moral concerns. According to current understandings, governments must raise revenue through taxation or by taking on debt by selling bonds. Traditionally that is how things needed to work under a system like the gold standard. However, modern currencies such as the US dollar are fiat currencies; they have value because society collectively deems it so. But if the government can print its own money, why do they need your tax dollars? The truth is that they don’t, but because taxes can only be paid in that currency it creates a demand for that currency and thus adds to its value. If the government requires additional money for policy purposes, it can simply order that money be printed and then spend it rather than waiting on tax revenue or borrowing.

There is obviously a concern about inflation with this idea. Most people are aware of cases where runaway inflation can seriously harm an economy; Germany in the 1920s experienced hyperinflation where wheelbarrows full of cash were needed to buy inexpensive items, and more recently Venezuela experienced hyperinflation. If you print too much money too fast, the value of the currency can fall, and prices will go up. But MMT suggests that inflation can be controlled through taxation. When the government increases taxes, it can withdraw that currency from circulation and thus stem inflation. However, the aim should be to create money to invest in the economy to allow the efficient use of its resources and ensure that demand does not outpace the economy itself; this is also a way to check inflation.

My aim here is not to defend MMT, but to recognize its potential for significant, ethically-salient consequences. The most pressing issue right now is the potential that MMT offers. As noted, governments are currently spending record-setting deficits to cover the costs of COVID and to help stimulate growth from the recession it has created. Billions of dollars could be funneled into programs ranging from infrastructure development, to a universal basic income, to funding a Green New Deal. There are seriously ethically-beneficial possibilities. This is why several journalists and experts have suggested that the COVID crisis should make us seriously consider pursuing such policies. Another important factor to consider is that following a traditional monetary understanding, governments may be taking on billions of unnecessary debt that will inhibit future government capabilities for future generations.

On the other hand, there is risk that under MMT there may arise a situation where inflation begins to increase during recession or recovery when raising taxes would be a bad idea. But quantitative easing practices and massive spending have not produced inflation. In fact, central banks are currently looking to increase inflation anyways. However, there is a more significant concern that is highlighted in both the traditional monetary understanding and MMT: the relationship to values and democracy.

Critics of MMT frequently complain that it would essentially break down the wall that has been erected between central banks and elected governments. According to a recent article evaluating the merits of MMT during COVID, “serious problems may arise from putting the power to create, allocate, and spend money permanently in the hands of politically elected governments.” Governments, critics allege, have shifty politicians who only want to promise the moon in return for votes. While the general statement may be true according to a statistical bell curve, it is still a rather vague criticism. More importantly, in a democratic nation, if the public wanted to send itself knowingly into inflation, should it not be allowed to if it so wished? The myth that you can separate politics from central banking is inherently absurd when in practice it is undemocratic or resistant to democratic reform. There is also the fact that this independence has already been reduced after the 2008 recession anyways.

On the other hand, MMT, while theoretically bringing a democratic influence to central banking, may serve to undermine democracy. Voting and taxation have been closely intertwined concepts. America famously rejected taxation without political representation. The concept of paying taxes in return for government services is also important as it is often preached that paying taxes is an important civic duty; we pay taxes to ensure our mutual security and benefits. Much of the rhetoric about government accountability revolves around making sure that politicians spend tax money appropriately. How much of our thinking about government spending and accountability changes once governments can basically say, “We don’t need your tax dollars”?

Governments wouldn’t really need a budget either as they are currently understood. There would be no deficit. While there would be detailed accounting, governmental budgets would effectively be a spending plan rather than a balance sheet. It could seriously challenge, undermine, stress, and maybe improve several democratic norms and traditions. Given that some have argued that the US government is already effectively following MMT, the political questions are going to take on a newfound importance.